banner

cat 2023 Complete Paper Solution | Slot 1

Instructions

The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage, choose the best answer for each question.

Many human phenomena and characteristics – such as behaviors, beliefs, economies, genes, incomes, life expectancies, and other things – are influenced both by geographic factors and by non-geographic factors. Geographic factors mean physical and biological factors tied to geographic location, including climate, the distributions of wild plant and animal species, soils, and topography. Non-geographic factors include those factors subsumed under the term culture, other factors subsumed under the term history, and decisions by individual people. . . .[T]he differences between the current economies of North and South Korea . . . cannot be attributed to the modest environmental differences between [them] . . . They are instead due entirely to the different [government] policies . . . At the opposite extreme, the Inuit and other traditional peoples living north of the Arctic Circle developed warm fur clothes but no agriculture, while equatorial lowland peoples around the world never developed warm fur clothes but often did develop agriculture. The explanation is straightforwardly geographic, rather than a cultural or historical quirk unrelated to geography. . . . Aboriginal Australia remained the sole continent occupied only by hunter/gatherers and with no indigenous farming or herding . . . [Here the] explanation is biogeographic: the Australian continent has no domesticable native animal species and few domesticable native plant species. Instead, the crops and domestic animals that now make Australia a food and wool exporter are all non-native (mainly Eurasian) species such as sheep, wheat, and grapes, brought to Australia by overseas colonists.

Today, no scholar would be silly enough to deny that culture, history, and individual choices play a big role in many human phenomena. Scholars don't react to cultural, historical, and individual-agent explanations by denouncing "cultural determinism," "historical determinism," or "individual determinism," and then thinking no further. But many scholars do react to any explanation invoking some geographic role, by denouncing "geographic determinism" . . .

Several reasons may underlie this widespread but nonsensical view. One reason is that some geographic explanations advanced a century ago were racist, thereby causing all geographic explanations to become tainted by racist associations in the minds of many scholars other than geographers. But many genetic, historical, psychological, and anthropological explanations advanced a century ago were also racist, yet the validity of newer non-racist genetic etc. explanations is widely accepted today.

Another reason for reflex rejection of geographic explanations is that historians have a tradition, in their discipline, of stressing the role of contingency (a favorite word among historians) based on individual decisions and chance. Often that view is warranted . . . But often, too, that view is unwarranted. The development of warm fur clothes among the Inuit living north of the Arctic Circle was not because one influential Inuit leader persuaded other Inuit in 1783 to adopt warm fur clothes, for no good environmental reason.

A third reason is that geographic explanations usually depend on detailed technical facts of geography and other fields of scholarship . . . Most historians and economists don't acquire that detailed knowledge as part of the professional training.

Question 1.

All of the following can be inferred from the passage EXCEPT:

A
agricultural practices changed drastically in the Australian continent after it was colonised.
B
individual dictat and contingency were not the causal factors for the use of fur clothing in some very cold climates.
C
while most human phenomena result from culture and individual choice, some have bio-geographic origins.
D
several academic studies of human phenomena in the past involved racist interpretations.

Question 2.

All of the following are advanced by the author as reasons why non-geographers disregard geographic influences on human phenomena EXCEPT their:

A
dismissal of explanations that involve geographical causes for human behaviour.
B
belief in the central role of humans, unrelated to physical surroundings, in influencing phenomena.
C
lingering impressions of past geographic analyses that were politically offensive.
D
disciplinary training which typically does not include technical knowledge of geography.

Question 3.

The examples of the Inuit and Aboriginal Australians are offered in the passage to show:

A
how environmental factors lead to comparatively divergent paths in livelihoods and development.
B
human resourcefulness across cultures in adapting to their surroundings.
C
how physical circumstances can dictate human behaviour and cultures.
D
that despite geographical isolation, traditional societies were self-sufficient and adaptive.

Question 4.

The author criticises scholars who are not geographers for all of the following reasons EXCEPT:

A
their rejection of the role of biogeographic factors in social and cultural phenomena.
B
their outdated interpretations of past cultural and historical phenomena.
C
their labelling of geographic explanations as deterministic.
D
the importance they place on the role of individual decisions when studying human phenomena.

Instructions

The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage, choose the best answer for each question.

For early postcolonial literature, the world of the novel was often the nation. Postcolonial novels were usually [concerned with] national questions. Sometimes the whole story of the novel was taken as an allegory of the nation, whether India or Tanzania. This was important for supporting anti-colonial nationalism, but could also be limiting – land-focused and inward-looking.

My new book "Writing Ocean Worlds" explores another kind of world of the novel: not the village or nation, but the Indian Ocean world. The book describes a set of novels in which the Indian Ocean is at the centre of the story. It focuses on the novelists Amitav Ghosh, Abdulrazak Gurnah, Lindsey Collen and Joseph Conrad [who have] centred the Indian Ocean world in the majority of their novels. . . . Their work reveals a world that is outward-looking – full of movement, border-crossing and south-south interconnection. They are all very different – from colonially inclined (Conrad) to radically anti-capitalist (Collen), but together draw on and shape a wider sense of Indian Ocean space through themes, images, metaphors and language. This has the effect of remapping the world in the reader's mind, as centred in the interconnected global south. . . .

The Indian Ocean world is a term used to describe the very long-lasting connections among the coasts of East Africa, the Arab coasts, and South and East Asia. These connections were made possible by the geography of the Indian Ocean. For much of history, travel by sea was much easier than by land, which meant that port cities very far apart were often more easily connected to each other than to much closer inland cities. Historical and archaeological evidence suggests that what we now call globalisation first appeared in the Indian Ocean. This is the interconnected oceanic world referenced and produced by the novels in my book. . . .

For their part Ghosh, Gurnah, Collen and even Conrad reference a different set of histories and geographies than the ones most commonly found in fiction in English. Those [commonly found ones] are mostly centred in Europe or the US, assume a background of Christianity and whiteness, and mention places like Paris and New York. The novels in [my] book highlight instead a largely Islamic space, feature characters of colour and centralise the ports of Malindi, Mombasa, Aden, Java and Bombay. . . . It is a densely imagined, richly sensory image of a southern cosmopolitan culture which provides for an enlarged sense of place in the world.

This remapping is particularly powerful for the representation of Africa. In the fiction, sailors and travellers are not all European. . . . African, as well as Indian and Arab characters, are traders, nakhodas (dhow ship captains), runaways, villains, missionaries and activists. This does not mean that Indian Ocean Africa is romanticised. Migration is often a matter of force; travel is portrayed as abandonment rather than adventure, freedoms are kept from women and slavery is rife. What it does mean is that the African part of the Indian Ocean world plays an active role in its long, rich history and therefore in that of the wider world.

Question 5.

All of the following claims contribute to the "remapping" discussed by the passage, EXCEPT:

A
the global south, as opposed to the global north, was the first centre of globalisation.
B
the world of early international trade and commerce was not the sole domain of white Europeans.
C
cosmopolitanism originated in the West and travelled to the East through globalisation.
D
Indian Ocean novels have gone beyond the specifics of national concerns to explore rich regional pasts.

Question 6.

Which one of the following statements is not true about migration in the Indian Ocean world?

A
Geographical location rather than geographical proximity determined the choice of destination for migrants.
B
The Indian Ocean world's migration networks were shaped by religious and commercial histories of the region.
C
The Indian Ocean world's migration networks connected the global north with the global south.
D
Migration in the Indian Ocean world was an ambivalent experience

Question 7.

On the basis of the nature of the relationship between the items in each pair below, choose the odd pair out:

A
Postcolonial novels : Border-crossing
B
Postcolonial novels : Anti-colonial nationalism
C
Indian Ocean world : Slavery
D
Indian Ocean novels : Outward-looking

Question 8.

All of the following statements, if true, would weaken the passage's claim about the relationship between mainstream English-language fiction and Indian Ocean novels EXCEPT:

A
most mainstream English-language novels have historically privileged the Christian, white, male experience of travel and adventure.
B
the depiction of Africa in most Indian Ocean novels is driven by an Orientalist imagination of its cultural crudeness.
C
very few mainstream English-language novels have historically been set in American and European metropolitan centres.
D
the depiction of Africa in most Indian Ocean novels is driven by a postcolonial nostalgia for an idyllic past.

Instructions

The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage, choose the best answer for each question.

[Fifty] years after its publication in English [in 1972], and just a year since [Marshall] Sahlins himself died—we may ask: why did [his essay] "Original Affluent Society" have such an impact, and how has it fared since? . . . Sahlins's principal argument was simple but counterintuitive: before being driven into marginal environments by colonial powers, hunter-gatherers, or foragers, were not engaged in a desperate struggle for meager survival. Quite the contrary, they satisfied their needs with far less work than people in agricultural and industrial societies, leaving them more time to use as they wished. Hunters, he quipped, keep bankers' hours. Refusing to maximize, many were "more concerned with games of chance than with chances of game." . . . The so-called Neolithic Revolution, rather than improving life, imposed a harsher work regime and set in motion the long history of growing inequality . . .

Moreover, foragers had other options. The contemporary Hadza of Tanzania, who had long been surrounded by farmers, knew they had alternatives and rejected them. To Sahlins, this showed that foragers are not simply examples of human diversity or victimhood but something more profound: they demonstrated that societies make real choices. Culture, a way of living oriented around a distinctive set of values, manifests a fundamental principle of collective self-determination. . . .

But the point [of the essay] is not so much the empirical validity of the data34the real interest for most readers, after all, is not in foragers either today or in the Paleolithic—but rather its conceptual challenge to contemporary economic life and bourgeois individualism. The empirical served a philosophical and political project, a thought experiment and stimulus to the imagination of possibilities.

With its title's nod toward The Affluent Society (1958), economist John Kenneth Galbraith's famously skeptical portrait of America's postwar prosperity and inequality, and dripping with New Left contempt for consumerism, "The Original Affluent Society" brought this critical perspective to bear on the contemporary world. It did so through the classic anthropological move of showing that radical alternatives to the readers' lives really exist. If the capitalist world seeks wealth through ever greater material production to meet infinitely expansive desires, foraging societies follow "the Zen road to affluence": not by getting more, but by wanting less. If it seems that foragers have been left behind by "progress," this is due only to the ethnocentric self-congratulation of the West. Rather than accumulate material goods, these societies are guided by other values: leisure, mobility, and above all, freedom. . . .

Viewed in today's context, of course, not every aspect of the essay has aged well. While acknowledging the violence of colonialism, racism, and dispossession, it does not thematize them as heavily as we might today. Rebuking evolutionary anthropologists for treating present-day foragers as "left behind" by progress, it too can succumb to the temptation to use them as proxies for the Paleolithic. Yet these characteristics should not distract us from appreciating Sahlins's effort to show that if we want to conjure new possibilities, we need to learn about actually inhabitable worlds.

Question 9.

We can infer that Sahlins's main goal in writing his essay was to:

A
highlight the fact that while we started off as a fairly contented egalitarian people, we have progressively degenerated into materialism.
B
put forth the view that, despite egalitarian origins, economic progress brings greater inequality and social hierarchies.
C
hold a mirror to an acquisitive society, with examples of other communities that have chosen successfully to be non-materialistic.
D
counter Galbraith's pessimistic view of the inevitability of a capitalist trajectory for economic growth.

Question 10.

The author mentions Tanzania's Hadza community to illustrate:

A
that forager communities' lifestyles derived not from ignorance about alternatives, but from their own choice.
B
how two vastly different ways of living and working were able to coexist in proximity for centuries.
C
how pre-agrarian societies did not hamper the emergence of more advanced agrarian practices in contiguous communities.
D
that hunter-gatherer communities' subsistence-level techniques equipped them to survive well into contemporary times.
cat-foundation
HOME
Recorded Course
Past Papers
More
YoutubeInstagramTelegramWhatsapp